Other Essays
7. Fundamentalist Politics
The impact of the Religious Right on American society is indisputable, however, even though some of the theories attempting to explain it are not. It is impossible to deny the fact that the Religious Right has influenced American politics tremendously since the 1950s. This was due to the Second Red Scare, and by the fundamentalists' tendency to demonize Communism, much like their ancestors demonized the English army during the American Revolution.
In fact, this fear of Communism brought many leaders of the Religious Right to cooperate with Senator Joseph McCarthy, and his witch hunt.
Billy Graham, the great evangelist, was an ardent supporter of McCarthy. Graham stirred fears of communist sympathizers. He warned of "over 1,100 social sounding organizations that are communist or communist-operated in this country" (Martin, With God on Our Side: The Rise of the Religious Right in America, p. 34). In a 1953 sermon, he said, referring to McCarthy:
While nobody likes a watch dog, and for that reason many investigation committees are unpopular, I thank God for men who, in the face of public denouncement and ridicule, go loyally on in their work of exposing the pinks, the lavenders, and the reds who have sought refuge beneath the wings of the American eagle and from that vantage point, try in every subtle, undercover way to bring comfort, aid, and help to the greatest enemy we have ever known–Communism (Martin, With God on Our Side: The Rise of the Religious Right in America, p. 35).
However, once McCarthy became even more intemperate, Graham started to back away from him. He still said that there was some Marxist thinking in American churches, as McCarthy had charged at one point, but he said that he did not know of any such cases personally. When he was asked about his opinion of McCarthy in 1954, he said that he had never met or spoken to McCarthy and that he has no opinion of him (Martin, With God on Our Side: The Rise of the Religious Right in America, p. 38).
Another leader of the Religious Right who supported McCarthy was Billy James Hargis. He said that "Christian people had to be political as well as religious" and that they're not "full Americans" if they are not concerned with politics (Martin, With God on Our Side: The Rise of the Religious Right in America, p. 37). Hargis established the Christian Echoes Ministry, which later became the Christian Crusade. He also offered his services to the Senator from Wisconsin, and McCarthy publicly credited him with providing him with research and speech writing assistance (Martin, With God on Our Side: The Rise of the Religious Right in America, p. 37). Even forty years later, Hargis thought favorably of McCarthy:
After I wrote the speech for him, exposing the World Council and the National Council of Churches, he invited me out to his home. He lived in a very humble house in Washington. He did not have anything that looked like riches. He was like my dad. He wasn't a Harvard voice. He didn't speak in the terms of Princeton. But he had convictions. And you know, when they put his body in the Rotunda, it drew the biggest crowd ever to see a body there, other than MacArthur, I think. So you can't say he was hated by the majority of the people in the United States. He was a wonderful man (Martin, With God on Our Side: The Rise of the Religious Right in America, p. 38).
Billy James Hargis was not the only leader of the Religious Right who worked directly with McCarthy. Carl McIntire, the arch-fundamentalist and leader of the ACCC-ICCC also offered his services to McCarthy, and worked closely with Hargis to provide McCarthy with material exposing communists in the World and National Councils of Churches, whom he believed to be the Whore of Babylon identified in the Bible (Martin, With God on Our Side: The Rise of the Religious Right in America, pp. 36-37).
Senator McCarthy was not the only politician supported by Billy Graham. He supported General Eisenhower during the 1952 presidential campaign. Graham encouraged Eisenhower to enter the campaign, and when he did, and gained the Republican nomination, Graham visited him at the Brown Palace Hotel in Denver and presented him with a red Bible, which Eisenhower kept and read frequently throughout the campaign (Martin, With God on Our Side: The Rise of the Religious Right in America, p. 32). Also, a few days before the November election, Graham revealed to the press, that a personal survey of nearly two hundred churchmen and religious editors from thirty states and twenty-two denominations indicated that seventy-seven percent favored Eisenhower for president, while only thirteen percent supported Adlai Stevenson (Martin, With God on Our Side: The Rise of the Religious Right in America, p. 33).
Another President supported by Billy Graham was Richard Nixon. His relationship with Graham was much more intimate. Nixon and Graham were close friends, and this led Graham to support Nixon in his quest for power.
During the 1960 campaign, Graham did his best to allay Eisenhower's misgivings about Nixon's fitness to succeed him (Martin, With God on Our Side: The Rise of the Religious Right in America, p. 48). He told Nixon to start attending church regularly to keep the "religiously minded people of America" behind him (Martin, With God on Our Side: The Rise of the Religious Right in America, p. 48). In May 1960, Graham said: "This is a time of world tension. [It] is a time for a man of world stature. I don't think it is a time to experiment with novices," which was clearly an endorsement of Nixon (Martin, With God on Our Side: The Rise of the Religious Right in America, p. 48).
As Nixon's campaign went on, Billy Graham continued to give him advice, not always limiting himself to matters of faith.
He told Nixon that if Kennedy were nominated, he was certain to capture virtually all the Catholic vote. To counter that, the vice president would have to "concentrate on solidifying the Protestant vote". Choosing a Catholic running mate, as some had apparently suggested, would only "divide the Protestants and make no inroads whatsoever in the Catholic vote." It would be far better to choose a person widely respected in Protestant circles, "someone the Protestant church can rally behind enthusiastically" (Martin, With God on Our Side: The Rise of the Religious Right in America, p. 48)
Graham's choice was Dr. Walter Judd, a former evangelical missionary, who was then serving in the House.
"With Dr. Judd," he ventured, "I believe the two of you could present a picture to America that would put much of the South and border states in the Republican column and bring about a dedicated Protestant vote to counteract the Catholic vote." Aware that this kind of specific political advice ran directly counter to his claim of nonpartisanship, Graham added, "I would appreciate you considering this letter in utter confidence. You would do me a favor by destroying it after reading it" (Martin, With God on Our Side: The Rise of the Religious Right in America, pp. 48-49).
In addition to that, Graham urged Nixon to attempt to sway Martin Luther King to his side, feeling that the black leader would be a powerful influence. In addition, he asked the two million families on his mailing list to support Nixon (Martin, With God on Our Side: The Rise of the Religious Right in America, p. 49). Finally, he asked Nixon to visit him in his Montreat, North Carolina, home, saying that it:
would certainly be a dramatic and publicized event that I believe might tip the scales in North Carolina and dramatize the religious issue throughout the nation, without mentioning it publicly. This is just a suggestion, and we would be delighted to cooperate in it if you think it has any merit (Martin, With God on Our Side: The Rise of the Religious Right in America, p. 49).
After Nixon failed to become President in 1960, Graham did not give up on him, and supported him during the 1968 presidential campaign. At a "crusade" in Pittsburgh in September 1968, Graham invited Nixon to take a prominent seat in the VIP section, where the cameras could easily find him, and lauded him from the platform as "one of his most cherished friends" (Martin, With God on Our Side: The Rise of the Religious Right in America, p. 97).
When Nixon was elected President, his friendship with Graham continued. Nixon became the first President to sponsor a regular schedule of Sunday services in the White House, which he initiated on the first Sunday after his inauguration. The preacher was Billy Graham (Martin, With God on Our Side: The Rise of the Religious Right in America, p. 98). Graham continued to help out his friend. In 1970, as another election was on the horizon, Graham invited the president to address a huge stadium audience during his Knoxville crusade, and then included the appearance in a nationally televised broadcast of the event, but deleting the vigorous protests from a segment of the audience(Martin, With God on Our Side: The Rise of the Religious Right in America, p. 145). In 1971, White House chief of staff, H. R. Haldeman wrote himself a memo:
Graham wants to be helpful next year…Point him to areas where do most good. He thinks there are real stirrings in religious directions, especially re young people. I call him and set up date. No other level– can't have leak (Martin, With God on Our Side: The Rise of the Religious Right in America, p. 145).
In response, Nixon gave draft exemptions to the staff of the Campus Crusade for Christ, and traveled to Graham's hometown of Charlotte in 1971 to help celebrate Billy Graham Day. Even some of the Southern Baptists, who were ardent supporters of Billy Graham were worried that he was "too close to the powerful and too fond of the things of the world" (Martin, With God on Our Side: The Rise of the Religious Right in America, p. 145).
At first, Billy Graham tended to disregard the Watergate break-in. H e was confident that the President's "moral and ethical principles would not allow him to do anything illegal like that" (Martin, With God on Our Side: The Rise of the Religious Right in America, p. 146). However, as the situation became clearer, and it was obvious that Nixon was involved, Graham said that he was surprised by him. "Those tapes revealed a man I never knew," Graham admitted. "I never saw that side of him" (Martin, With God on Our Side: The Rise of the Religious Right in America, pp. 146-147). Still, Graham did not abandon Richard Nixon, and they remained friends until Nixon's death in 1994.
Billy Graham's relationship with President Johnson seems modest in comparison to Graham's long friendship with Nixon. He did not endorse Lyndon Johnson in the way he endorsed Nixon. He was, however, a frequent guest in the White House and the President's Texas Hill country ranch (Martin, With God on Our Side: The Rise of the Religious Right in America, p. 96). The advantages Johnson gained from being a friend of Billy Graham should not be underestimated, however.
If Billy Graham was the president's friend, then millions of Americans would conclude that the president must be a good man, a decent man, a noble man, perhaps even a Christian man. And if he possessed those qualities, then his causes—his War on Poverty, his Civil Rights act, his effort to preserve freedom and democracy in Southeast Asia—must also be good, decent, noble, perhaps even Christian, and therefore precisely the causes Christian folk ought to support (Martin, With God on Our Side: The Rise of the Religious Right in America, p. 96).
After the Watergate scandal, however, Billy Graham had learned his lesson. In 1975, in an interview to Newsweek, Graham announced that he was "opposed to organizing Christians into a political bloc" and that he would endorse no candidate in the 1976 election (Martin, With God on Our Side: The Rise of the Religious Right in America, p. 153).
Other leaders of the Religious Right continued to support conservative candidates, before and after Watergate. Billy James Hargis and Carl McIntire, together since the times of McCarthy violently blasted JFK, calling him a socialist, and reminding that Khruschev himself said that "socialism is the first phase of communism" (Martin, With God on Our Side: The Rise of the Religious Right in America, p. 76). When Kennedy was assassinated, they claimed that it was because he was not sufficiently effective in carrying out the Kremlin's assignment to convert America to communism (Martin, With God on Our Side: The Rise of the Religious Right in America, p. 78).
Leaders of the Religious Right continued to endorse right-wing candidates, like Barry Goldwater, for as long as the movement had existed. However, some members had done even more. In 1975, an organization called Intercessors for America, which was associated with Bill Bright, had sent a letter to 120,000 clergymen, urging them to order materials that would teach them how to take over local precincts and elect only "godly" candidates (Martin, With God on Our Side: The Rise of the Religious Right in America, p. 153).
Another candidate that received the backing of the Religious Right was Jimmy Carter. However, he alienated most of the religious community by giving an interview to Playboy magazine. Jerry Falwell summed up the reaction of the fundamentalist community when he said: "Like many others, I am quite disillusioned. Four months ago the majority of the people I knew were pro-Carter. Today that has totally reversed" (Martin, With God on Our Side: The Rise of the Religious Right in America, p. 158).
The organization that got the most fame, however, was Jerry Falwell's Moral Majority. On July 4, 1976, Jerry Falwell made a speech:
The idea that religion and politics don't mix was invented by the Devil to keep Christians from running their own country…If [there is] any place in the world we need Christianity, it's in Washington. And that's why preachers long since need to get over that intimidation forced upon us by liberals, that if we mention anything about politics, we are degrading our ministry (Utter and Storey, The Religious Right:…, p. 3)
The Moral Majority was very active in the 1980 presidential race. It established chapters in 47 states, and began conducting voter registration drives and educational seminars for religious conservatives (Utter and Storey, The Religious Right:…, p. 10). It also opposed liberal Democrats, such as Senators George McGovern of South Dakota, Frank Church of Idaho, Alan Cranston of California, John Culver of Iowa, and Birch Bayh of Indiana (Utter and Storey, The Religious Right:…, p. 10). The Moral Majority also spread misinformation about President Carter. In a famous incident, Jerry Falwell said at a Moral Majority rally in Alaska, "I was at the White House not long ago and I asked the President, ‘Sir, why do you have homosexuals on your staff in the White House?'", and claimed that Carter answered that he wanted to represent everyone, so he had to hire homosexuals. Later, it was printed in the Moral Majority Report. However, the conversation never occurred. When Falwell was confronted by reporters, he claimed that what he said was a "parable" and an "allegory" (Martin, With God on Our Side: The Rise of the Religious Right in America, p. 211). As evidence shows, this is not the only time when Jerry Falwell lied.
Although analysts proved that Reagan had won by a large enough margin that he would have won even if he didn't have the votes of the Religious Right, the fact that their energetic support for his candidacy made other voters consider him seriously is clear (Martin, With God on Our Side: The Rise of the Religious Right in America, p. 220).
Ronald Reagan did not take the Moral Majority seriously at first. He did not appoint a representative of the Moral Majority to a major administration post, and disregarded Falwell's objections to the appointment of Sandra Day O'Connor to the Supreme Court (Utter and Storey, The Religious Right:…, p. 11). However, tried to soothe the Religious Right before the midterm elections by appointing C. Everett Koop, an evangelical anti-abortionist, as Surgeon General and by taking a stronger stand against abortion and favoring a Constitutional amendment allowing prayer in public schools (Utter and Storey, The Religious Right:…, p. 11).
However, there was a man who tried to break the separation of church and state even harder than Graham or Falwell. That man is the televangelist Pat Robertson, who attempted to capture the presidency in 1988.
He had very little chance. By 1987, a Gallup poll had showed that he was viewed in a negative light by 50% of Americans (Utter and Storey, The Religious Right:…, p. 14). In addition, other leaders of the Religious Right opposed Robertson. "Preach, influence, speak out," Jerry Falwell recommended, but "don't ever take an office, don't ever ask for a favor. Be an outsider hammering on the door, but don't get inside playing the game with them" (Martin, With God on Our Side: The Rise of the Religious Right in America, p. 278). Robertson met with ridicule from the press. Once at an editorial meeting of the Seattle Post-Intelligencer, he was asked, "If the Russians launch a nuclear bomb, and one is falling on America, what would you do, start praying?" (Martin, With God on Our Side: The Rise of the Religious Right in America, p. 279). During the campaign, Robertson did very well in the caucus states, but fell far behind Bush in the primaries states, and was forced to withdraw from the race (Martin, With God on Our Side: The Rise of the Religious Right in America, p. 290).
The 1988 Presidential campaign was not the only political involvement of Pat Robertson. In 1989, he started the Christian Coalition. Unlike the Moral Majority, the Christian Coalition was largely a grassroots movement, and focused on local, rather than national elections. By 1994, the Christian Coalition had more than 1,500,000 members (Utter and Storey, The Religious Right:…, p. 14). It calls upon its members to elect:
…God-fearing leaders who understand the
principles of the Bible and how they relate to every day life in
America;
leaders who understand that every life is precious whether born or
unborn;
leaders who understand that it is the responsibility of the church
and the local community to take care of the needy;
leaders who understand that marriage is a holy institution ordained
by God. He defines it. It's within His realm of authority.
Marriage is the union between one man and one woman unrelated by
blood. That was God's idea. No person has the right to
redefine what God has created.
We must select God-fearing leaders who understand that as a nation,
under God, we acknowledge that our rights are given to us not by
the generosity of the state but by the hand of God. It is the job
of government not to dispense rights, but to administer those
rights already given by God;
leaders who understand that we must always, and in every place,
publicly declare our allegiance to Almighty God;
leaders who understand that our national Motto is not a figure of
speech, or worse yet, an obscenity that must not be muttered in our
schools or public institutions, but the very essence of the
American Spirit: "In God We Trust." (Banuchi, "One
Nation Under God").
The political views of the Christian Coalition are made clear in the following chart(Banuchi, "How Shall I Vote?"):
| LIBERALISM | CONSERVATISM |
| Basic Philosophy: Socialism | Basic Philosophy: Liberty |
| Government Control | Individual Control |
| Highest Authority: Man's Law | Highest Authority: God's Law |
| Life is an evolutionary accident | Life is a sacred gift from God |
| The government is parent of the people | The government is servant of the people |
| Government controls people | People control government |
| Centralized federal control | Local community control |
| Fosters competition between groups and races | Sees all as Americans, equal under the law |
| Always looking to increase size of government | Believes big government leads to abuse and tyranny |
| Government needs more of your money to take care of you | People need more of their own money to take care of themselves, their families and their communities |
| Government can solve human problems | People working together solve human problems |
| Family is whoever the government says is family including same-sex couples | God defines family. Marriage is the union between one male and one female |
It is clear that the Christian Coalition favors conservatism over liberalism. It has been amazingly successful. In 1993, of the 95,000 members of school boards around the nation, 7,153 were conservative Christians (Utter and Storey, The Religious Right:…, p. 15). Jerry Falwell, Pat Robertson, and Billy Graham were not the only leaders of the Religious Right to call for Christians to be involved in politics. Take, for example, the following statement by Gary North:
Everyone wants to be in the "big time" politically. Everyone wants to run for governor. Let them. Meanwhile, we take over where today's politicians think that nothing important is happening. We should get our initial experience in ruling on a local level. We must prepare ourselves for a long-term political battles. We start out as privates and corporals, not colonels and generals. We do it God's way (Utter and Storey, The Religious Right:…, p. 100).
Other leaders of the Religious Right go even further than that.
Friends, we re in real trouble right now, and it is time to take a stand and tell the authorities: "We can not and will not obey you when it means to surrender the lordship of Christ." Then we should be read to defend ourselves in court and go to jail if necessary for our convictions. After all, we would be in pretty good company since much of the New Testament was penned in prison! (Utter and Storey, The Religious Right:…, p. 99).
It is clear that the Religious Right feels very strongly about this and is ready to take action to make America a Christian nation.
Yet the direct involvement in politics is not the only way the Religious right influences the direction in which this nation is going. The bulk of the Religious Right's power comes from its tremendous lobbying power and political activism. And, once again, the Christian Coalition is the spearhead of the Religious Right's advance. It provides voting guides and Senatorial and House scorecards, and then urges its members to contact their representatives in Washington, and provides their contact information ("How to Use This Scorecard"). According to the Christian Coalition's website:
Our hallmark work lies in voter education. Prior to the
November election the Christian Coalition of America distributed a
record 70 million voter guides throughout all 50 states. These
non-partisan guides gave voters a clear understanding of where
various federal candidates stood on the issues important to them.
With this knowledge, millions of voters went to polls ready to make
their voices heard.
Our efforts, however, do not stop with voter guides. We actively
lobby Congress and the White House on numerous issues, hold
grassroots training schools around the country, host events in
Washington that draw thousands of pro-family supporters from around
the nation and organize community activists regarding issues facing
their local government ("About Us").
However, the Christian Coalition of America is not the only organization that does this. Other organizations from the Religious Right that do this are the Family Research Council, the American Life League, the American Family Association, American Renewal, Concerned Women for America (CWA), the National Right to Life Committee, the Focus on the Family, and other organizations (People for the American Way, "Right Wing Organizations"). Some of these organizations have hundreds of thousands of members, and their yearly budgets are in the millions. For example, the Family Research Council has 455,000 members, and its revenue for the year 2000 was $10 million (People for the American Way, "Right Wing Organizations: Family Research Council"). The American Life League claims to have 300,000 members, and its year 2000 budget was $6.9 million (People for the American Way, "Right Wing Organizations: American Life League").
However, the religious right's involvement in politics is only one side of the coin. Their grassroots movement is just as powerful. And, once again, it is Pat Robertson's Christian Coalition that is leading the way. In 1994, it had more than a million members, today, however, it could have as little as 300,000 members (People for the American Way, "Right Wing Organizations: Christian Coalition"). Contributions also declined from $26.5 million in 1996 to $3 million in 2000 (People for the American Way, "Right Wing Organizations: Christian Coalition"). Other organizations mentioned above, are however increasing in numbers and power.
There is, however, another type of grassroots organization that is peculiar to the Religious Right. That is the Evangelical organization, an organization designed to spread the Gospel and convert the "unsaved" to the fundamentalists' brand of Christianity. There is a particular class of these Evangelical organizations that target young people. The most prominent of these organizations is the Campus Crusade for Christ, started in 1951 by Bill Bright. Its goal is to convert college students to Christianity. The recruitment methods of this parachurch organization are similar to those of most cults. Every member is required to spend a certain amount of hours a week in one-on-one discussions with people, attempting to win them over to Christ. In addition, the CCC distributes a series of brochures and pamphlets which explain the Four Spiritual Laws of Bill Bright: 1) God loves you and created you to know him personally. 2) Man is sinful and separated from God, so we cannot know him personally or experience His love. 3) Jesus Christ is God's only provision for man's sin. Through him alone we can know God personally and experience God's love. 4) We must individually receive Jesus Christ as Savior and Lord; then we can know God personally and experience his love (Campus Crusade for Christ, Inc. Would You Like to Know God Personally?, pp. 3-8.).
Receiving Christ involves turning to God from self (repentance) and trusting Christ to come into our lives to forgive us of our sins and to make us what He wants us to be. Just to agree intellectually that Jesus Christ is the Son of God and that he died on the cross for our sins is not enough. Nor is it enough to have an emotional experience, We receive Jesus Christ by faith, as an act of our will (Campus Crusade for Christ, Inc. Would You Like to Know God Personally?, p. 9).
Despite the fiascoes of the 60s and 70s, the Campus Crusade for Christ is extremely powerful. It has chapters in 156 colleges in New York State alone, including a chapter in every branch of CUNY and SUNY, as well as in colleges like Columbia, Vassar, Pace, NYU, Cornell, as well as all campuses of Long Island University, including the Brooklyn campus(Campus Crusade for Christ. "Beyond Campus").
Another powerful evangelical organization is Evangelism Explosion International. This organization, based in Fort Lauderdale, Florida, holds "clinics" at local churches, where ministers are taught how to spread the Gospel. EEI claims to have held a clinic in 212 nations of the world (Evangelism Explosion International, "Expand Our Vision, Lord!"), and that it is the most effective evangelical organization. The following chart illustrates that (the results are based on a survey conducted by Christianity Today).
EE International also has a budget of over $4 million (Evangelism Explosion International, "Budget").
In addition to conducting these "clinics", EEI is also spreading the Gospel directly. Their claim is that to get into heaven, one must be perfect. But, since that is impossible, the love of Jesus is the only way for Man to get into heaven (Evangelism Explosion International, Do You Know For Sure That You Have Eternal Life?).
Most evangelical organizations, however, are nowhere near as big and powerful. Many of them operate on the local, rather than on the state, national, or international levels. The majority of people distributing leaflets in the subway and on street corners belong to those small missions. Most of them lack the resources to produce the colorful brochures of the larger organizations, and their pamphlets are of inferior quality. For instance, consider the following excerpt (boldface added).
What is most important to you in the world? You, of
course! You are the most precious. Jesus Christ asks, "What
will you be profited, if you gain this whole world and lose your
soul? What will you give in exchange for your soul?" This idea
of the prime value of an individual-life has shaped our American
society. Now you know the real value of America. Sadly, we all have
to die. Why? Because of sin. But here is the good news; we can be
saved, the Savior (Christ, Messiah) has come. You may think you
know yourself very well. Then, can you answer this?--- Who are you?
Where are you from? Where are you going? What will the end of your
life be like? Why do you live?---Where can you find the answer?
The Bible! The Bible says, "God created man in His
image."
Have you ever read the Bible, especially the New Testament?
It's not a religion. [It's] a book that has
shaped human history, the founding principles of our country, and
our American culture. You have to read it…To discern the
real creator from all man-made-religious-gods is not difficult.
They preach religious freedom… (Mission for Jesus, Good
News for Your Salvation)
Apart from the inept English of the author, the problem seems to be with the statement that the Bible, and thus Christianity, is not a religion. While that sounds absurd at first, there is nothing wrong with the statement from a fundamentalist's point of view. Because of the doctrine of Biblical inerrancy, which is one of the cornerstones of Christian fundamentalism, to a fundamentalist it is a fact that God exists and Jesus is his son. In the CCC's booklet has an illustration of a train pulling a caboose. The booklet claims that the diagram illustrates "the relationship among fact (God and His Word [the Bible]), faith (our trust in God and His Word), and feeling (the result of our faith and obedience) (Campus Crusade for Christ, Inc. Would You Like to Know God Personally?, p. 12). As you can see, it is saying the same thing. However, its message is much more likely to reach the prospective convert than the clumsy message of Mission for Jesus.
Another example of the poor quality of writing in most of the pamphlets distributed by members of the local evangelical organizations is the following excerpt, which is describing sin (original spelling and grammar kept):
THEN WHAT IS SIN?
It is not trusting the fact that Jesus Christ can only be able to
save the world from sins as savior.
It is all Hell to worship to other idols like buddihsm, socerers,
idolaters, except Jesus Christ(Revelation 21:8)
It is to commit adultery, being greedy with money, shall not
respect parents and devilish thinking and vehavors.
Remember the fearful judgement of God is waiting for the men in the
sins without turning out by himselves in repentance.
You must know that an everlasting judgement is ahead for you if you
do not believe Jesus Christ. However you can find gracious life
forever, if you accept Him as your savior.
It is the time you can choose the choice by yourself now. Wishing
you the luck to choose right selection (Jesus Coming
Soon!)
It is clear that anyone who reads this will "choose the choice by himselves now", and will choose "right selection" and stop worshiping "buddihsm," "socerers," and doing other "devilish vehavors."
This section of the Paper has demonstrated the wide range of recruitment techniques of the Religious Right, from the very effective to the outright ridiculous. And while these techniques are only as good as the people that are using them, they, in general, are quite effective and have contributed to the growth of the fundamentalist community.
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